"West"" is hegemonic and dominating, distorting and excluding other modes of relating to the world"
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mozu
@mozumozumozu
Heidegger’s Ghosts by Alexander S. Duff - The American Interest http://j.mp/1Ln047E @aminterestさんから
COUNTER-LIBERALISM
Heidegger’s Ghosts
ALEXANDER S. DUFF
サラッと飛ばし読み。
先日もモズさんがイランの思想家に対するハイデカーの影響に関する記事をあげていたが、今回のはロシアの思想家も取り上げている模様。
日本では、ハイデカーの本来性を死に直面した不安な実存として捉え、戦地に赴く学徒が共感し、あるいは、宗教者が宗教的な立場から捉えていたように思っていたが、ふと考えてみれば、日本も戦中の京都学派が、このイラン、ロシア系の思想家たちに相当するのかもしれないね。
それはいいとして、
普遍と特殊の問題というのはプラトン、アリストテレス以来の問題で、それが形を変えて歴史上いろんなところで出てくるわけですね。
地域や歴史を超えた普遍的原理・原則、あるいは価値観があり、それはいつでもどこでも通用させるべき、という普遍主義と、意味はつねにすでに地域、歴史性を帯びているのであって、そうした特殊性を無視して、普遍を語ることは無意味だ、という特殊主義の対立、といってもいいかもしれない。
私はその統合こそ、妥当なり、とちょっとヘーゲルっぽくいいたいほうなのだが、それはともかく、普遍主義の陥穽としては、特殊なものを普遍的と偽って、他者に暴力的なほどに、押し付けていくところですね。
ハイデカーもその匂いを嗅ぎつけていたわけですね。
ところで、
ハイデカーはやっぱ、ナチに近い存在だった、というのがこの筆者の立場。
mozu
@mozumozumozu
Heidegger’s Ghosts by Alexander S. Duff - The American Interest http://j.mp/1Ln047E @aminterestさんから
COUNTER-LIBERALISM
Heidegger’s Ghosts
ALEXANDER S. DUFF
サラッと飛ばし読み。
先日もモズさんがイランの思想家に対するハイデカーの影響に関する記事をあげていたが、今回のはロシアの思想家も取り上げている模様。
日本では、ハイデカーの本来性を死に直面した不安な実存として捉え、戦地に赴く学徒が共感し、あるいは、宗教者が宗教的な立場から捉えていたように思っていたが、ふと考えてみれば、日本も戦中の京都学派が、このイラン、ロシア系の思想家たちに相当するのかもしれないね。
それはいいとして、
This is because Heidegger’s thought, while not lending itself to any politically cohesive opposition to the liberal West in a manner that characterized Marxism, recommends itself to virtually every variety of particularist opponent of Western universalism. For those inspired by Heidegger, the universalist claims upon which the liberal order is based are too thin, too weak, and too ignoble to provide tangible and meaningful sources of human identity.
Like the Iranian Heideggerians, what Dugin draws from Heidegger is not his positive project—Heidegger, no one will be surprised to learn, had nothing to say about Eurasian imperialism or Iranian Shi‘i identity. Instead, they take the essence of his critique of rationalist Western universalism and the structure of his solution, which is to retrieve a lost, organic communal life not as a traditional inheritance, but through a revolutionary project.
For both, the discrediting of rationalist universalism points to the revival of certain forms of religious order. The retrieved community is shaped by a purified religion, though the religion is different in each case: Russian Orthodox Christianity and Shi‘i Islam.
By following reason and building the world in its image, we have been led to a “forgetfulness of Being,” a condition he calls “nihilism.”
The characteristic moods of our time are anxiety, terror, distress—and boredom. He thinks these events and the onset of these moods announce the sunset of the West and life organized with reference to reason.
In Heidegger’s diagnosis, the source of the phenomena of nihilism is not strictly speaking reason, but our inclination to reason, our preference for reason over non-reason. We are inclined, according to Heidegger, to privilege reason as the main way we understand, navigate, and indeed shape the world. The source of this inclination in us is our very makeup, our Being: the distress and anxiety that alerts us to the limitations of reason is also what inclines us to it in the first place. That is, rationalism comes from a preference for comfort and stability in the face of finitude and impermanence.
普遍と特殊の問題というのはプラトン、アリストテレス以来の問題で、それが形を変えて歴史上いろんなところで出てくるわけですね。
地域や歴史を超えた普遍的原理・原則、あるいは価値観があり、それはいつでもどこでも通用させるべき、という普遍主義と、意味はつねにすでに地域、歴史性を帯びているのであって、そうした特殊性を無視して、普遍を語ることは無意味だ、という特殊主義の対立、といってもいいかもしれない。
私はその統合こそ、妥当なり、とちょっとヘーゲルっぽくいいたいほうなのだが、それはともかく、普遍主義の陥穽としては、特殊なものを普遍的と偽って、他者に暴力的なほどに、押し付けていくところですね。
Heidegger understands “reason” not as a timeless, universal means by which humanity can rise above itself, but as a defective instrumentality born in violence at a specific moment in history. That instrument subsequently spread in such a fashion that it now expresses itself principally through technological forms of domination. It masks itself, but it is inherently hegemonic and dominating, distorting and excluding other modes of relating to the world and other ways individuals can relate to one another.
ハイデカーもその匂いを嗅ぎつけていたわけですね。
ところで、
First, he insisted from the beginning that he was not looking for a revival of culture (Kultur) as a means of reforming society because this would draw too directly but superficially on the past, without revolutionizing it. He sensed that the complete “destruction” of culture would be required to effect the philosophic and historical changes he envisioned.
Second, in Being and Time (1927) he sketches an authentic form of communal existence that would be instrumental to raising the question of Being, a Gemeinschaft of the Volk that engages in “struggle” (Kampf) and “communication” (Mitteilung). That work is incomplete, however, and Heidegger did not elaborate what he meant by these rather loaded terms.
Third, in the 1930–34 period, as the newly available Black Notebooks make clear, Heidegger hoped that the National Socialists in Germany would instigate a total revolution, allowing Germany to lead a world revolution inaugurating a “new beginning” in humanity’s relationship to Being by rooting philosophy in its service to the Volk, with the Volk rooting itself in wars against other peoples. In this proposition we see how Heidegger helped serve as a bridge, however distorted, from German romanticism to Hitler.
Fourth, Heidegger’s much lauded disaffection with actually existing National Socialism began in 1934 and continued through the rest of his life.
Though,Heidegger became profoundly disappointed with the Nazis, this does not mean he rejected the essence of National Socialism. His disaffection was based on his conclusion that the Nazis were insufficiently radical to fulfill his hopes. This remained Heidegger’s “political” position for the rest of his life: While the Nazis failed to fulfill his hopes, they nonetheless demonstrated the absolute hollowness of every possible political position and thus exposed the nihilism of the present moment.
ハイデカーはやっぱ、ナチに近い存在だった、というのがこの筆者の立場。
